The analytical paper focuses on examining the foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Turkey on the African continent. Specifically, it analyzes the primary areas of cooperation with African countries and the methods employed to expand Turkey’s influence.
Conclusions:
Turkey views Africa as a key region for realizing its foreign policy ambitions, as an “Afro-Eurasian state,” appealing to its Ottoman heritage.
Turkey actively uses the export of military products and military-technical cooperation as tools to enhance its geopolitical influence in Africa. This allows it to compete with global players and expand its military presence, particularly in strategically important regions such as the Horn of Africa and West Africa.
Turkey is also strengthening its economic position in West Africa, focusing on developing trade and transport links through key ports and seeking access to natural resources and new markets, which contributes to the growth of its exports to the continent.
Turkey actively employs “soft power” to reinforce its influence in Africa, including expanding media presence, educational initiatives, religious projects, and cultural exchanges. Through strategic actions such as broadcasting in Hausa and Swahili, opening Turkish schools and cultural centers, and supporting religious initiatives, Ankara is building a positive image and fostering loyal relations with African countries, ensuring long-term support and enhancing political and economic ties.
For Turkey, the priority countries in Sub-Saharan Africa are Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Ghana, and Tanzania, which hold strategic importance in the fields of economics, security, and regional cooperation.
Political Interests
Ankara began developing its African foreign policy orientation in the 1990s under the presidency of Turgut Özal. In line with the goal of diversifying economic relations, Özal as prime-minister became the first Turkish leader to initiate the sending of food aid to Tropical African countries (Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mauritania, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan) suffering from famine in 1985. As President of Turkey from 1989 to 1993, Turgut Özal continued efforts to strengthen bilateral relations with African countries, signing agreements in health, culture, and trade, as well as economic and technical cooperation with Botswana, Chad, Djibouti, Gambia, Zambia, and Senegal. The number of bilateral visits also increased during this period.
Another significant milestone in Turkey’s African strategy came in 1998, when the country adopted the “Africa Action Plan,” initiated by the country’s Foreign Minister Ismail Cem. The plan aimed at realizing Turkish-African cooperation in political, economic, and humanitarian spheres.
Ahmet Davutoğlu, the architect of Turkey’s foreign policy and author of the “Strategic Depth” concept, while serving as Foreign Minister (2009-2014), emphasized the creation of an Afro-Eurasian space as a geopolitical concept for Turkey, actively supporting its implementation.
The realization of large-scale plans to engage with Africa coincided with the rise to power of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Since 2005, the year in which Africa was officially declared “Africa Year” in Turkey, significant efforts were undertaken.
By choosing Africa as the arena for its political activities, the Turkish leadership formulated the following objectives for this new direction:
to create a new platform for realizing Turkey’s foreign policy ambitions, utilizing Africa’s geopolitical potential for long-term influence.
to secure a foothold in the African market, becoming a key partner for leading countries on the continent in energy, mining, and global market access.
to promote the development of Turkey’s Islamic economic sectors (such as industries based on Sharia principles, for example, finance and banking, halal industries, tourism, mining, and stock activities), ensuring sustainable business in African countries while strengthening the positions of both ruling political forces and their supporters.
to leverage the success of Turkish policies in Africa to enhance the ruling party’s image and promote Islam.
While Turkey’s cooperation with North African states, which were formerly part of the Ottoman Empire, seems natural both from a values-based and pragmatic standpoint (including within the framework of “neo-Ottomanism”), cooperation with Sub-Saharan African countries represents a certain political innovation.
In 2013, following the successful conclusion of the “Africa Opening Policy” launched in 1998, the Turkish leadership began implementing an updated strategy for the African continent, called the “Africa Partnership Policy,” aimed at developing partnerships with African countries in various spheres. The Justice and Development Party presented new initiatives and projects to strengthen and expand Turkey’s presence on the continent.
As part of this new approach, the second Turkey-Africa Cooperation Summit was held in 2014, resulting in the adoption of a Joint Action Plan for 2015-2019. This summit marked a significant milestone in strengthening trust between African partners and Turkey. In 2021, Turkey held its third Turkey-Africa Cooperation Summit, where a new Joint Action Plan for 2022-2026 was adopted, identifying five strategic cooperation areas: peace, security, and governance; trade, investment, and industry; education; infrastructure and agriculture development; and healthcare. The summit was attended by 16 heads of state and 102 ministers.
Currently, Turkey's political efforts are aimed both at strengthening bilateral relations with African countries and realizing its global ambitions, thus enhancing the country’s international stature. Key tools for implementing this approach include high-level visits, increased diplomatic representations, deeper cooperation within international organizations (primarily the UN), the establishment of foreign policy interaction mechanisms, and inter-parliamentary cooperation.
Notably, in May 2011, Istanbul hosted the Fourth UN Conference on Least Developed Countries, attended by representatives from 192 UN member states, including about 50 heads of state. The organization of this international forum, which occurs once every decade, reflects Turkey’s desire to position itself as a "patron" for developing countries, the majority of which are located in Africa.
The Turkish-African Congress regularly holds events, with the first one in January 2012 taking place in Khartoum (Sudan) under the motto “A Multidimensional Struggle for Africa: The Future of Turkish-African Relations”.
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan continues to develop Turkey’s position as an “Afro-Eurasian” state. He has crafted a modern image of Turkey, reviving Ottoman heritage while championing Turkish nationalism. He also consistently advocates for reforming global institutions, positioning Turkey not only as a supporter of African aspirations but also as a viable alternative to traditional powers like China and Western nations.
Like Beijing, Ankara emphasizes respect for the state sovereignty of African countries and refrains from imposing political conditions on its partners. In this context, Turkey's Muslim identity and lack of a colonial history are seen as "assets." The Turkish model of aid is also advantageous for African countries. Although the funding is limited, the fact that grants are negotiated on a bilateral level makes cooperation with Turkey an attractive alternative to aid from international institutions, which often comes with strict demands regarding the democracy of the political regime, human rights, and levels of corruption in the recipient country.
Military-Technical Cooperation
Against the backdrop of the growing importance of the military component in Ankara’s foreign policy, the export volume of Turkish military products to Africa has significantly increased. Africa is emerging as a promising market, offering substantial opportunities and advantages for international suppliers.
For African countries, purchasing arms from Turkey offers several advantages. First and foremost, Turkish products (especially drones) are generally more affordable and easier to operate compared to Israeli or American equivalents. Additionally, the use of Turkish military equipment does not come with specific political conditions (Ankara does not require aligning with a certain stance or committing to guarantees on the non-use of weapons against certain forces). Furthermore, Turkish models have been tested in real combat scenarios (Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and others), allowing developers to position them as proven in practice. The major Turkish players in the African market include Aselsan, Baykar, Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI), Havelsan, and Roketsan. Key categories of supply include electronic surveillance systems, combat helicopters, missiles, naval platforms, and demining equipment.
A particular emphasis is placed on cooperation in the supply of Turkish unmanned aerial vehicles. The term “drone diplomacy” has even gained traction in academic circles, describing the success of exporting the Bayraktar TB2 to various regions around the world. In Africa, the largest buyers of Turkish drones are Somalia, Togo, Niger, Nigeria, and Ethiopia.
In the context of expanding military-technical cooperation, Turkey’s military presence on the Horn of Africa is increasing, particularly in Somalia, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Ethiopia. This subregion is highlighted as one of the most politically dynamic and contentious areas.
Strategic ports in the region offer access to vital sea routes connecting Europe, Asia, and Africa, and the region’s wealth of valuable natural resources contrasts with the fragile and unstable political regimes that have developed, alongside rampant terrorism, piracy, and humanitarian crises. These factors have turned the Horn of Africa into a zone of intense interest. Djibouti is home to the highest concentration of foreign military bases in the world: covering just 23,200 square kilometers, it hosts facilities from France, the United States, Italy, Germany, Spain, Japan, and China. Turkey is also steadily expanding its cooperation with this country. In late February 2024, three agreements were signed to enhance military cooperation (in professional training and finance) within the framework of bilateral efforts to “promote regional peace and stability.”
At the same time, Somalia plays a crucial role as the main conduit for Turkey’s interests in the Horn of Africa. With the longest coastline on the continent, Somalia has been a central focus of Turkish military activity since 2009 when Turkey joined the multinational anti-piracy forces off its coast. This led to the signing of a bilateral agreement to establish a Turkish military base, which officially began operations in September 2017. The base enables the training of over 1,500 soldiers simultaneously.
Turkey emphasizes that the Ottoman Empire played a significant role in protecting the Horn of Africa from external enemies (particularly Portugal), and modern Turkey continues this mission to ensure the region’s security. A new chapter in Turkish-Somali relations began in 2024 with the approval by the Mogadishu government of a ten-year defense and economic cooperation agreement with Turkey, under which Ankara has committed to building, training, and equipping Somalia’s naval fleet. Given the increased militarization of the subregion and the fierce struggle for influence involving players from all parts of the world (EU, US, China, Japan, Gulf countries, Egypt, and others), this agreement is seen as a clear diplomatic and military victory for the Republic of Turkey.
Another new focal point for Ankara in Africa is West Africa. Against the backdrop of several military coups in Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Niger, and the weakening of France’s presence, a “window of opportunity” has opened for expanding Turkey’s presence in the region. However, replacing France entirely with Turkey remains unlikely for the time being.
Economic Cooperation
Turkey’s specific economic interests in West Africa are tied to strengthening ties with Senegal, whose port of Dakar serves as the Atlantic terminal for two trans-African road routes—7 and 5—that cross major urban centers in the coastal states of the region and five countries in the Sahel. This transportation network provides access to commercial and consumer markets in West African cities, which are rapidly growing due to accelerating urbanization and high birth rates.
The importance of Africa is also driven by Turkey’s desire to tap into the promising market for goods and services. Moreover, Turkey is keen to access the continent’s natural resources, which are vital for the country’s industry and to meet its growing domestic demand for fuel.
Turkey’s exports to African countries increased by 1.7% year-on-year in 2024, reaching $19.4 billion, according to the Turkish Exporters Assembly (TIM). Last year, Turkey exported products to 56 African countries, accounting for 7.4% of its total exports. Leading the list were Egypt, where Turkey exported goods worth $3.5 billion, followed by Morocco at $3.1 billion and Libya at $2.5 billion. The main categories of Turkish exports to Africa included chemicals and chemical products ($3.1 billion), cereals, legumes, oilseeds, and their derivatives ($2.5 billion), steel ($2 billion), automotive industry products ($1.4 billion), and electrical energy products. Machinery and equipment exports reached $1.3 billion, textile products and raw materials $1.3 billion, and ferrous and non-ferrous metals $912.7 million. Exports to Ghana grew by 49.6% year-on-year, exports to Nigeria increased by 9.1%, to Libya by 8.4%, and to Morocco by 6.9%.
Soft Power
To strengthen its positive image and create a loyal information environment, Ankara pursues an active media policy through Turkey’s largest television and radio company, TRT. In 2017, TRT began broadcasting in Hausa, spoken by 45 million people in West and Central Africa, and in 2020, it launched broadcasts in Swahili, spoken by 150 million people in Eastern and Southeastern Africa. In 2021, TRT became an associate member of the African Broadcasting Union. In 2023, the TRT-African Union Broadcasting Summit was held, along with the official launch of the TRT Africa news platform.
The Anadolu Agency, Turkey’s international news agency, also plays a significant role in the media. The agency opened its office in Ethiopia in 2014 and later expanded to South Africa, Nigeria, Sudan, Somalia, Kenya, and Senegal. It also runs training programs for African journalists.
Turkey’s Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) manages the spreds of Turkish religious and worldview values to Africa. Since 2006, Diyanet has organized summits for African Muslim leaders, aimed at establishing dialogue between the spiritual worlds of Turkey and Africa and spreading the Turkish interpretation of Islam across the African continent. Among the countries that Turkey cooperates with in the field of education are Djibouti, Somalia, and Tanzania. In addition to educational programs, Diyanet works on translating and distributing the Quran, religious literature, and canonical works of Islamic jurisprudence. It sponsors the construction of mosques and religious schools for training imams. In Somalia, the largest mosque, capable of holding around 30,000 people, has been built.
Get quality and up-to-date analysis from NISS in a format convenient for you:
- read us in Telegram and Facebook
- listen to us on Google Podcast
- watch us on YouTube
Photo: NISS
Analytics in pdf format: